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The early English anarchist William Godwin´s views on economics could be summarized as follows: "he envisages the possibility of specialization in the various crafts, which would lead to a man's following the task for which he had the greatest aptitude, and distributing his surplus products to whoever may need them, receiving what he himself needs of other things from the surplus produced by his neighbours, but always on the basis of free distribution, not of exchange. It is evident that, despite his speculations on the future of machinery, Godwin's ideal society is based on the economics of handcrafts and cultivation."
For the influential German individualist anarchist philosopher Max Stirner "private property is a spook which "lives by the grace of law" and it "becomes 'mine' only by effect of the law". In other words, private property exists purely "through the protection of the State, through the State's grace." Recognising its need for state protection, Stirner is also aware that "[i]t need not make any difference to the 'good citizens' who protects them and their principles, whether an absolute King or a constitutional one, a republic, if only they are protected. And what is their principle, whose protector they always 'love'? Not that of labour", rather it is "interesting-bearing possession . . . labouring capital, therefore . . . labour certainly, yet little or none at all of one's own, but labour of capital and of the -- subject labourers"."
Pierre Joseph Proudhon was involved with the Lyons mutualists and later adopted the name to describe his own teachings. In What Is Mutualism? Clarence Lee Swartz gives his own account of the origin of the term, claiming that "[t]he word "mutualism" seems to have been first used by John Gray, an English writer, in 1832."
The anti-authoritarian sections of the First International proclaimed at the St. Imier Congress (1872) that "the aspirations of the proletariat can have no purpose other than the establishment of an absolutely free economic organization and federation, founded upon the labour and equality of all and absolutely independent of all political government," in which each worker will have the "right to the enjoyment of the gross product of his labours and thereby the means of developing his full intellectual, material and moral powers in a collective setting." This revolutionary transformation could "only be the outcome of the spontaneous action of the proletariat itself, its trades bodies and the autonomous communes." A similar position was adopted by the Workers' Federation of the Spanish Region in 1882, as articulated by an anarchist veteran of the First International, Jose Llunas Pujols, in his essay, "Collectivism."
By the early 1880s, most of the European anarchist movement had adopted an anarchist communist position, advocating the abolition of wage labour and distribution according to need. Ironically, the "collectivist" label then became more commonly associated with Marxist state socialists who advocated the retention of some sort of wage system during the transition to full communism. The anarchist communist, Peter Kropotkin, attacked this position in his essay, "The Collectivist Wages System", which was reprinted in his book The Conquest of Bread in 1892.
Anarchist communism as a coherent, modern economic-political philosophy was first formulated in the Italian section of the First International by Carlo Cafiero, Emilio Covelli, Errico Malatesta, Andrea Costa and other ex-Mazzinian Republicans. Out of respect for Mikhail Bakunin, they did not make their differences with collectivist anarchism explicit until after Bakunin's death. The collectivist anarchists sought to collectivize ownership of the means of production while retaining payment proportional to the amount and kind of labor of each individual, but the anarcho-communists sought to extend the concept of collective ownership to the products of labor as well. While both groups argued against capitalism, the anarchist communists departed from Proudhon and Bakunin, who maintained that individuals have a right to the product of their individual labor and to be remunerated for their particular contribution to production. But, Malatesta put it: "...instead of running the risk of making a confusion in trying to distinguish what you and I each do, let us all work and put everything in common. In this way each will give to society all that his strength permits until enough is produced for every one; and each will take all that he needs, limiting his needs only in those things of which there is not yet plenty for every one."
Cafiero explains in Anarchy and Communism (1880) that private property in the product of labor will lead to unequal accumulation of capital and, therefore, the reappearance of social classes and their antagonisms, and thus the resurrection of the state: "If we preserve the individual appropriation of the products of labour, we would be forced to preserve money, leaving more or less accumulation of wealth according to more or less merit rather than need of individuals." At the Florence Conference of the Italian Federation of the International in 1876, held in a forest outside Florence due to police activity, they declared the principles of anarcho-communism.
In the strong anarchist movement in Spain the debate between collectivism and anarcho-communism was revived. "This double base, both industrial and rural, had turned the libertarian communism of Spanish anarcho-syndicalism in somewhat divergent directions, the one communalist, the other syndicalist. The communalism was expressed in a more local, more rural spirit, one might almost say: more southern, for one of its principal bastions was in Andalusia. Syndicalism, on the other hand, was more urban and unitarian in spirit - more northerly, too, since its main center was Catalonia.
Spanish anarchist theoreticians were somewhat divided on this subject. "Some had given their hearts to Kropotkin and his erudite but simplistic idealization of the communes of the Middle Ages which they identified with the Spanish tradition of the primitive peasant community. Their favorite slogan was the "free commune." Bakunin was the founder of the Spanish collectivist, syndicalist, and internationalist workers' movement. Those anarchists who were more realistic[neutrality is disputed], more concerned with the present than the golden age, tended to follow him and his disciple Ricardo Mella. They were concerned with economic unification and believed that a long transitional period would be necessary during which it would be wiser to reward labor according to the hours worked and not according to need. They envisaged the economic structure of the future as a combination of local trade-union groupings and federations of branches of industry.".
In 1932, the Spanish anarchist theoretician Isaac Puente published an outline of anarcho-communism; its ideas were taken up by the Saragossa congress of the CNT in May 1936. The Spanish anarchist economist Diego Abad de Santillan published an influential treatise on economics, El Organismo Economico de la Revolucion (The Economic Organization of the Revolution). He saw that "Our ideal is the commune which is associated, federated, integrated into the total economy of the country, and of other countries in a state of revolution." To replace the single owner by a hydra-headed owner is not collectivism, is not self-management. The land, the factories, the mines, the means of transport are the product of the work of all and must be at the service of all. Nowadays the economy is neither local, nor even national, but world-wide. The characteristic feature of modern life is the cohesion of all the productive and distributive forces. "A socialized economy, directed and planned, is an imperative necessity and corresponds to the trend of development of the modern economic world." Santillan was to play an important part in the Spanish Revolution. He became a member of the central committee of the anti-fascist militia, a member of the Catalonian Economic Council, and Economics Minister of the Catalonian government.
Anarchist historian George Woodcock reports that "For several months the armed forces in these regions were mostly anarchist controlled militia units. The factories were largely taken over by the workers and run by C.N.T. committees, while hundreds of villages either shared out or collectivized the land, and many of them attempted to set up libertarian communes of the kind advocated by Kropotkin." "The beginnings of collectivization seem to have been similar in villages and factories. The landlords in the villages had fled, the Civil Guards had been killed or chased away, and the village syndicate would transform itself into a popular assembly in which every villager could participate directly in the affairs of the community. An administrative committee would be elected, but this would operate under the constant supervision of the population, meeting at least once a week in full assembly to hasten the achievement of free communism. In the factories the process was similar, with a workers' committee becoming responsible to the general assembly of the syndicate, and technicians (in a few cases the former owners or managers) planning production in accordance with the workers' views." 
Mutualism is an anarchist school of thought which can be traced to the writings of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, who envisioned a society where each person might possess a means of production, either individually or collectively, with trade representing equivalent amounts of labor in the free market. Integral to the scheme was the establishment of a mutual-credit bank which would lend to producers at a minimal interest rate only high enough to cover the costs of administration. Mutualism is based on a labor theory of value which holds that when labor or its product is sold, in exchange, it ought to receive goods or services embodying "the amount of labor necessary to produce an article of exactly similar and equal utility".
Some mutualists believe that if the state did not intervene, as a result of increased competition in the marketplace, individuals would receive no more income than that in proportion to the amount of labor they exert. Mutualists oppose the idea of individuals receiving an income through loans, investments, and rent, as they believe these individuals are not laboring. Some of them argue that if state intervention ceased, these types of incomes would disappear due to increased competition in capital. Though Proudhon opposed this type of income, he expressed: "... I never meant to ... forbid or suppress, by sovereign decree, ground rent and interest on capital. I believe that all these forms of human activity should remain free and optional for all."
Insofar as they ensure the workers right to the full product of their labor, mutualists support markets and private property in the product of labor. However, they argue for conditional titles to land, whose private ownership is legitimate only so long as it remains in use or occupation (which Proudhon called "possession.") Proudhon's Mutualism supports labor-owned cooperative firms and associations for "we need not hesitate, for we have no choice. . . it is necessary to form an ASSOCIATION among workers . . . because without that, they would remain related as subordinates and superiors, and there would ensue two . . . castes of masters and wage-workers, which is repugnant to a free and democratic society" and so "it becomes necessary for the workers to form themselves into democratic societies, with equal conditions for all members, on pain of a relapse into feudalism." As for capital goods (man-made, non-land, "means of production"), mutualist opinion differs on whether these should be commonly managed public assets or private property.
Collectivist anarchism (also known as anarcho-collectivism) is a revolutionary doctrine that advocates the abolition of the state and private ownership of the means of production. Instead, it envisions the means of production being owned collectively and controlled and managed by the producers themselves.
For the collectivization of the means of production, it was originally envisaged that workers will revolt and forcibly collectivize the means of production. Once collectivization takes place, workers' salaries would be determined in democratic organizations based on the amount of time they contributed to production. These salaries would be used to purchase goods in a communal market. This contrasts with anarcho-communism where wages would be abolished, and where individuals would take freely from a storehouse of goods "to each according to his need." Thus, Bakunin's "Collectivist Anarchism," notwithstanding the title, is seen as a blend of individualism and collectivism.
The difference between Collectivist Anarchism and Anarcho-Communism is that collectivist anarchism stresses collective ownership of productive, subsistence and distributary property, while communist anarchism negates the concept of ownership in favor of usage or possession with productive means being a possession not owned by any individual or particular group. Communist Anarchists believe that subsistence, productive and distributive property should be common or social possessions while personal property should be private possessions.
Collectivist anarchists agree with this, but disagree on the subject of remuneration; some collectivist anarchists, such as Mikhail Bakunin, believe in the remuneration of labor, while communist-anarchists, such as Peter Kropotkin, believe that such remuneration would lead to the recreation of currency and that this would need a State. Thus, it could be said that collectivist anarchists believe in freedom through collective ownership of production and a communal market of sorts to distribute goods and services and compensate workers in the form of remuneration. Thus, collectivist anarchism could be seen as a combination of communism and mutualism.
Anarchist communism (also known as anarcho-communism and occasionally as free communism or libertarian communism) is a theory of anarchism which advocates the abolition of the state, markets, money, capitalism, and private property (while retaining respect for personal property), and in favor of common ownership of the means of production, direct democracy and a horizontal network of voluntary associations and workers' councils with production and consumption based on the guiding principle: "from each according to his ability, to each according to his need".
Some forms of anarchist communism such as insurrectionary anarchism are strongly influenced by egoism and radical individualism, believing anarcho-communism is the best social system for the realization of individual freedom. Most anarcho-communists view anarcho-communism as a way of reconciling the opposition between the individual and society.
Anarcho-communism developed out of radical socialist currents after the French revolution but was first formulated as such in the Italian section of the First International. The theoretical work of Peter Kropotkin took importance later as it expanded and developed pro-organizationalist and insurrectionary anti-organizationalist sections.
To date, the best-known examples of an anarchist communist society (i.e., established around the ideas as they exist today and achieving worldwide attention and knowledge in the historical canon), are the anarchist territories during the Spanish Revolution and the Free Territory during the Russian Revolution. Through the efforts and influence of the Spanish Anarchists during the Spanish Revolution within the Spanish Civil War, starting in 1936 anarchist communism existed in most of Aragon, parts of the Levante and Andalusia, as well as in the stronghold of Anarchist Catalonia before being crushed by the combined forces of the regime that won the war, Hitler, Mussolini, Spanish Communist Party repression (backed by the USSR) as well as economic and armaments blockades from the capitalist countries and the Spanish Republic itself. During the Russian Revolution, anarchists such as Nestor Makhno worked to create and defend—through the Revolutionary Insurrectionary Army of Ukraine—anarchist communism in the Free Territory of the Ukraine from 1919 before being conquered by the Bolsheviks in 1921.
Participatory economics, often abbreviated parecon, is an economic system proposed by activist and political theorist Michael Albert and radical economist Robin Hahnel. It uses participatory decision making as an economic mechanism to guide the production, consumption and allocation of resources in a given society. Proposed as an alternative to contemporary capitalist market economies and also an alternative to centrally planned socialism, it is described as "an anarchistic economic vision", and it could be considered a form of socialism as under parecon, the means of production are owned by the workers.
The underlying values that parecon seeks to implement are equity, solidarity, diversity, workers' self-management and efficiency. (Efficiency here means accomplishing goals without wasting valued assets.) It proposes to attain these ends mainly through the following principles and institutions:
Albert and Hahnel stress that parecon is only meant to address an alternative economic theory and must be accompanied by equally important alternative visions in the fields of politics, culture and kinship. The authors have also discussed elements of anarchism in the field of politics, polyculturalism in the field of culture, and feminism in the field of family and gender relations as being possible foundations for future alternative visions in these other spheres of society. Stephen R. Shalom has begun work on a participatory political vision he calls "parpolity".
According to the ID project, economic democracy is the authority of demos (community) in the economic sphere — which requires equal distribution of economic power. As with the case of direct democracy, economic democracy today is only feasible at the level of the confederated demoi. It involves the ownership and control of the means of production by the demos. This is radically different from the two main forms of concentration of economic power : capitalist and 'socialist' growth economy. It is also different from the various types of collectivist capitalism, such as workers' control and milder versions suggested by post-Keynesian social democrats. The demos, therefore, becomes the authentic unit of economic life.
The main characteristic of the proposed model, which also differentiates it from socialist planning models like Parecon, is that it explicitly presupposes a stateless, money-less and market-less economy that precludes private accumulation of wealth and the institutionalisation of privileges for some sections of society, without relying on a mythical post-scarcity state of abundance, or sacrificing freedom of choice. The proposed system aims at satisfying the double aim of: (a) meeting the basic needs of all citizens—which requires that basic macro-economic decisions have to be made democratically, and (b) securing freedom of choice—which requires the individual to make important decisions affecting his/her own life (what work to do, what to consume etc.).
Therefore, the system consists of two basic elements: (1) democratic planning, which involves a feedback process between workplace assemblies, demotic assemblies and the confederal assembly, and (2) an artificial market using personal vouchers, which ensures freedom of choice but avoids the adverse effects of real markets. Although some have called this system "a form of money based on the labour theory of value", it is not a money model since vouchers cannot be used as a general medium of exchange and store of wealth.
Another distinguishing feature of ID is its distinction between basic and non-basic needs. Remuneration is according to need for basic needs, and according to effort for non-basic needs. ID is based on the principle that meeting basic needs is a fundamental human right which is guaranteed to all who are in a physical condition to offer a minimal amount of work. By contrast, Parecon guarantees that basic needs are satisfied only to the extent they are characterized public goods or are covered by compassion and by a guaranteed basic income for the unemployed and those who cannot work 
Anarcho-syndicalism is a branch of anarchism which focuses on the labour movement. Syndicalisme is a French word, ultimately derived from the Greek, meaning "trade unionism" – hence, the "syndicalism" qualification. Syndicalism is an alternative co-operative economic system. Adherents view it as a potential force for revolutionary social change, replacing capitalism and the state with a new society democratically self-managed by workers.
Anarcho-syndicalists seek to abolish the wage system, regarding it as "wage slavery", and state or private ownership of the means of production, which they believe lead to class divisions. Not all seek to abolish money per se. Ralph Chaplin states that "the ultimate aim of the General Strike as regards wages is to give to each producer the full product of his labor. The demand for better wages becomes revolutionary only when it is coupled with the demand that the exploitation of labor must cease."
Additionally, anarcho-syndicalists regard the state as a profoundly anti-worker institution. They view the primary purpose of the State as being the defence of private property and therefore of economic, social and political privilege, even when such defence denies its citizens the ability to enjoy material independence and the social autonomy which springs from it. In contrast to other bodies of thought (Marxism-Leninism being a prime example), anarcho-syndicalists deny that there can be any kind of workers' state, or a state which acts in the interests of workers, as opposed to those of the rich and powerful. Reflecting the anarchist philosophy from which it draws its primary inspiration, anarcho-syndicalism holds to the idea that power corrupts.
Although anarcho-syndicalism originated close to the beginning of the twentieth century, it remains a popular and active school of anarchism today and has many supporters as well as many currently active organizations. Anarcho-syndicalist trade unionists, being socialist anarchists, vary in their points of view on anarchist economic arrangements from a collectivist anarchism type economic system to an anarcho-communist economic system.
|This section's factual accuracy is disputed. (March 2008)|
A revision of LTV that incorporates information technology, cryptography, and open-source software to create a medium of exchange that precludes all forms of usury and thus requires no oversight or ideological guidance. In contrast to Parecon, there is no planned economy because users of the system will approve of labor that they feel is necessary and so production happens as people fill the labor market as they will.
Crucial to this system is the premise that money (credit for work done) can be improved with the addition of identity, information, and transparency, i.e. all credits created are associated with a particular individual (they are non-transferable), they inform users of the work done to create it, and can be viewed by any user on the system.
There are no specifications for how decisions are made within these Technological LTV Systems - each one is tasked to create its own ruleset. Joining such a network would be akin to signing a contract or EULA so revision of rulesets would resemble the open-source paradigm of updating software and having the user agree to a new ruleset. Decision making would then be implicit in any user's ability to participate in the revision of the system software, even though this approach could be elitist.
Prices on goods and services would be evaluated by the amount of credit earned by laborers involved—requiring that every individual item or service be tracked. Production then represents a mirror of the credit creation, so physical items would require their "negative" credit to be cancelled by a person wishing to own it. Since income distribution would be relatively flat in this system, it is hoped that most of the problems of capitalist accumulation and class structure will be avoided.
Pierre Joseph Proudhon´s mutualism and american individualist anarchists such as Josiah Warren, Lysander Spooner and Benjamin Tucker adopted the liberal Labor Theory of Value of classical economics but used it to criticize capitalism instead favoring a non-capitalist market system.
Collectivist anarchism as defended by Mikhail Bakunin defended a form of labor theory of value when it advocated a system where "all necessaries for production are owned in common by the labour groups and the free communes...based on the distribution of goods according to the labour contributed".
This is the theory that all alternative economic systems could exist simultaneously. Though it may imply accepting a greater complexity of day-to-day living, anarchists predicate this overlapping of systems on the removal of states and corporations, and the presence of multiple currency paradigms. In effect, this would be analogous, on an individual level, to having various subscriptions or club memberships—a level of complexity surpassed by the average American middle-class consumer that holds several credit cards with various debts, owes mortgage and car payments, and so forth.
The motive to adopt a panarchist approach to economics is the theory that not all goods, services, or resources are best exchanged/regulated within a single system, i.e. energy production is best tracked in kilowatt-hours, but collectible items have highly subjective values and therefore require a different exchange medium. Even Parecon could be incorporated in this approach.
Some anti-capitalist anarchists believe that it is not radical political activity that will transform society, but radical economic activity that will make true change. They regard boycotts, consumer advocacy, and class-action lawsuits to be merely liberal actions that do not address the core problem which is capitalism itself.
Some anarchists believe that changing the nature of work itself is the crux of defeating capitalism. Participatory economics addresses the division of labor question by advocating balanced job complexes wherein all workers at a production facility share in all aspects of labor, i.e. everyone takes part in labor, management, maintenance, and all related work to ensure equality and that skills are shared amongst workers.
Some anarchists (sometimes denoted by the pejorative term "lifestyle anarchists") believe that changing personal consumption habits to minimize (or eliminate entirely) involvement in the prevailing capitalist economy is essential to practicing anarchism in their lives. Withdrawing from the system by living on scavenged, stolen, or scammed resources is often touted by individuals and groups influenced by the Situationists, such as CrimethInc., as a viable means of survival and non-participation in the system. Some anarchists such as agorists support counter-economics, that is, participating in the "black" illegal market to undermine monopolies and the state. The goal of agorists is not simply to opt-out of capitalism/the system, but by developing alternative voluntary solutions to engineer the statist economy's collapse.
Many anarchists advocate the abolition of money, others call for its replacement with new currency systems, and others, such as Benjamin Tucker and Murray Rothbard, simply want the end of the government money monopoly and the repeal of legal tender laws, i.e. they want competition between private banks and currencies. Use of alternative currencies is growing,[dubious ] largely due to digital currencies offered on the internet, and availability of software to manage mutual credit schemes like Local Exchange Trading Systems. Since states cannot collect taxes and revenue through use of alternative currencies they will theoretically lose power to the point of collapse. Some of these alternative currencies are designed to prevent usury, others are designed simply as alternatives to state-issued fiat money, as a hedge against inflation—for example, the Liberty Dollar. Thus alternative currencies range from labor-time notes to specie-backed warehouse receipts. Three popular alternative currencies are: community currency, local currency, and time-based currency.
Before any form of enterprise, whether a conventional business or an autonomous workers' collective, can produce goods or services, it must obtain items such as premises, tools and raw materials. This involves an up-front cost which is incurred before the enterprise starts. Under capitalism, this up-front cost is traditionally met by investing capital with the aim of making a profit. Communists, are opposed to investing capital for profit because of the exploitation of workers it entails, so another mechanism must be found to cover the up-front costs. "Free banking" is one possible mechanism. A new autonomous workers' organisation borrows the up-front cost from supporters or existing organisations. This can be by means of a loan in conventional or alternative currency, by borrowing the items needed such as tools, or a combination of the two. In time, this loan is either repaid to the lender, or lent on to another new organisation creating a revolving loan fund.
In this context, the word "free" indicates that the borrowing organisation is free of takeover threats from the provider of capital which form part of the traditional capitalist model. The loan may be interest free (similar to the Scandinavian JAK members bank model of agricultural finance) or a limited rate of interest may be charged. There may also be other charges e.g. to cover administration costs or to cover against bad debts.
Small-scale practical examples of anarchist free banking initiatives exist in various countries, but banking laws make it hard for them to operate. The Credit Union uses collective member funds to loan at a small operational cost. In most countries bank regulation prohibits organisations from describing themselves as banks unless they are legally registered as such, and a collectively run organisation would not meet corporate governance standards in banking law. Nevertheless, such initiatives sometimes show a much lower bad debt rate than conventional banks, because they are based on solidarity, and failing to repay a loan from a free banking initiative may be seen as culturally equivalent to stealing from friends. The reverse can however also be true, as a trust-based system is open to abuses of that trust. To safeguard completely against such risks would involve a level of cultural vetting more intrusive than anything traditionally done by credit rating agencies.
The term "free banking" should not be confused with the UK banking concept of free personal banking, which means a current account with no account charges for standard services so long as the account is kept in credit.
Gift economies are those based on free distribution of goods and services. Anarcho-communists are the main proponents of such. In the social sciences, a gift economy (or gift culture) is a society where valuable goods and services are regularly given without any explicit agreement for immediate or future rewards (i.e. no formal quid pro quo exists). Ideally, simultaneous or recurring giving serves to circulate and redistribute valuables within the community. The organization of a gift economy stands in contrast to a barter economy or a market economy. Informal custom governs exchanges, rather than an explicit exchange of goods or services for money or some other commodity.
Anarcho-primitivists also advocate this kind of economy (although they believe that it is not possible with current modes of production and thus advocate a return to pre-industrial and often pre-agricultural modes of production).
While many anarcho-communists are opposed to trade, some post-left, post-scarcity anarcho-communists, and ones with syndicalist sympathies are not opposed to trade. Some support a non-monetary form of trade in the form of post-monetary trade unions and commons. Others such as Tiziana Terranova easily see anarcho-communism being compatible with a non-hierarchical, open access, free association, post-monetary form of trade such as P2P.
Recently, some local currencies are based on time although participants are not primarily anarchists. In the United States, one of the reasons that the IRS has chosen not to tax local currencies is that they are used for charitable purposes, such as community-building.
Some anarchists are interested in labor note systems because they make complex free market, fair trade systems possible, although in their current practices they are not applicable for anything other than local (i.e. town-sized) economies. Detractors argue that the definition of a free market precludes usage of a normative pricing system, but some anarchists point out that since participation in a labor note network is voluntary, any labor note system is merely another choice in a free market of markets. Other critics argue that labor notes cannot provide price signals, that many of these Time-dollar based currencies are prone to inflation (since there is no way to ensure that people are not paid more than an hour per hour), and that these ignore factors like value-added work (work that incorporates past labor to perform, such as the time spent by a dentist in school). Other Anarachist Time-dollar based currencies have had exchange rates, based on the job performed. However, another criticism is at large scales workers function at varying skill level, so in a Time-based dollar would reward inefficient workers of efficient one, who produced more in a given unit of time.
The theory that all values can be evaluated in terms of joules. In the same vein as LTV, this is an attempt to make a normative basis for value by accounting for embodied energy. Accounting for such a system would be vastly more complex than current or other theoretical currency systems because all energy output of workers and energy expenditure on goods/services must be tracked (something that is thought impossible and useless by many anarchists).
One group that has advocated a system using energy is the Technocracy movement with a system based on energy accounting where energy is used to "buy" a product or service without being exchanged, so the effect is that products or services are distributed to the user without gain by the provider (who has the same amount of energy in his or her account regardless) so allegedly making profit impossible.
Utopia (sometimes known as Trialville) was an individualist anarchist colony begun in 1847, by Josiah Warren and associates, in the United States on a tract of land approximately 30 miles from Cincinnati, Ohio. Another example of individual anarchists attempting to put their economic theories into action was the Cincinnati Time Store, where labor notes were redeemable for goods.
The anarchist collectives formed during the Spanish Civil War are the most famous example of an anarchist economy operating on a large scale. The collectives were formed under the influence of the anarcho-syndicalist union the CNT in rural and urban areas and successfully practised Workers' self-management and Collectivist anarchism for a number of years in extremely difficult economic and political circumstances. Other examples of self-management include the factory committee movement during the Russian Revolution and the workplace occupations in Argentina during its crisis at the turn of the 21st century. Attempts at forming co-operatives also appeared during the Paris Commune of 1871 and the Italian Factory Occupations of 1920.
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